This paper attempts to explain the efforts of an NGO (READS) to conserve soil, water and biodiversity in a micro-watershed at Dharmapuri district of Tamil Nadu, India. One of the authors (STSR) is involved as a action-researcher with the NGO and (JW) is the director of the project.

A wandering tribal community (Banjara) was struggling from last 25 to 30 years to live through agriculture in a deforested area allotted to them by the government. As they had no previous experience in agriculture, they had either fallowed it or leased out their land to land lords in the neighborhood villages. To make a living they used to migrate to nearby towns and enroll children as bonded laborers. Robbery was a vocation for few elders. From 1987, Rural Education and Development Services (READS), an NGO initiated its activities in this area and by 1990, it was able to raise food production to subsistence levels by supplying improved varieties of seeds, chemical fertilizers and investing on soil and water conservation measures. This was helpful to check migration. From 1991, attempts were made to move from subsistence to sustainability.

Many youngsters were interested in agriculture with the knowledge gained by working as bonded laborers to the landlords in the neighbouring villages. However, they were constrained from the problems such as low per capita land available to each family and non-availability of tools and instruments. 90 per cent of families had less than 3 acres of land and except very few none of them had either animals to slough or the cart.

Men and women at village level were organized by the NGO (READS) into a single Sangam (Self-help group) and were linked to a federation called Apex Body. This body, having two representatives from each Sangam was responsible for over all planning and Sangam were responsible for implementation. With such an institutional structure the efforts to conserve and manage the resources and structures developed under watershed program was difficult. Decisions taken at the Sangam to penalize those who neglected the constructed bunds or who have not watered plants in summer were not at all complied with. Extension of matching grants could not boost up savings or credit. PRA process was effective only as an exercise, but not in bringing about effective participation of the community in any program. Loans availed from the savings were not repaid. Compulsions to repay enabled the moneylenders to make money. Thus the institutional structure continued to its dependency on NGO, demanded incentives and patronization from NGO than extending partnership and participation in conserving the resources. No decision could be implemented without total subsidy attached to it.

The community brought about three important changes in the institutional structure between 1990 and 1998. In 1990, it was formation of separate Sangam for women, in 1995, it was the formation of Farmers Service Cooperative (FSC) and in 1997, it was creation of structures for marketing.

The first institutional change occurred in 1990 when separate Sangam were formed by the women in every village. Women were critical of the structure of combined Sangam for both men and women and their position in that. Failure of that Sangam in addressing the social issues such as divorce perpetuated by the traditional authority called Panchayath, female infanticide and involvement of men in illicit distillation of arrack¹ were seriously questioned. The response of men to these criticisms is that the issues like divorce and female infanticide is a reflection on the behavior of women and their thinking. An effective control of women is what is required and Panchayath is attempting to bring about that.

According to women the ‘Panchayath’ is totally constituted by men and is intervening intentionally in day to day affairs of the family for effecting divorce so that they can collect fine, big feast, and drink from both the parties. The authority was also accused of inflicting divorce on selected women with sexual motive. Women were of the view that female infanticide is a reflection of the suffering that women undergo due to frequent divorce.

Separate Sangam for women was formed in 1990. Men threatened to disband their Sangam if separate Sangam is formed for women and did so, when it happened. Men compelled and compelled wives to withdraw from Sangam. When opposition from men was ignored, they accused NGO of influencing women to break away from families. Countering the opposition, women replaced the centralized decision making body (Apex Body) with a decision making body at the cluster level. This was also to counter the physical threat from men. This helped in the development of solidarity among women living in different villages yet located in the neighborhood.

To effectively conduct the affairs of Sangam, in the absence of men, one of the members in the Sangam was selected as the animator. She was supposed to educate and guide other women in conducting the affairs of Sangam. On behalf of Sangam, she was supposed to conduct transactions with governmental organizations and financial institutions. She was supposed to attend training programs and pass on that knowledge to others. Thus the women attempted to be self-dependent in conducting the activities of Sangam

Women realized that in the sphere of credit management, insisting on land as security against a loan to be sought from NGO, is in a way pushing the women back to the fold of men, who has the titular ownership to land. To counter that Sangam developed a new approach wherein all the members stand as security to the loan raised by a member.

After strategically countering the threat from men, Sangam attempted to replace the traditional ‘Panchyath’ to handle divorce cases. The need for divorce was discussed in the meetings of Sangam and if need be, both wife and husband were persuaded to live together. Injustice to women was protested by all the Sangam. The ability of all the women to help a fellow women was exclusively demonstrated several times to prevent divorce. Many a time, financial help was also extended to such families. With every case of divorce checked, confidence levels among women to check social evils also increased.

To check illicit distillation, women formed action groups in each village to monitor and complain to the police on the men involved in illicit distillation. Women appealed to Police officials not to arrest women and provided assurance through the Sangam that they will check involvement of women in illicit distillation or in marketing it. To protect women from the violence that could be released by the illicit distillers, women formed a network of cluster level decision making bodies. Economic assistance for alternative enterprenuership was assured to such women who could wean away men from illicit distillation.

To check female infanticide women went in for problem analysis in all the Sangam. Based on which, women were educated about the need to be economically decisive to gain confidence in bringing up a female child. Different plans were drawn to extend all the facilities that a female child requires to grow up. To extend education, each Sangam petitioned government and fought for a school in their village. Till the government assistance reached the village, one of the members who had formal education was requested to be the teacher and the salary of that teacher was met by the NGO. In those villages, where schools were operated by the government, Sangam monitored the attendance of teacher. Similarly, drinking water facilities, transport facilities, electricity all were procured from government so as to create a favorable conditions to bring up a female child.

After effecting changes in the structure of institution, women examined various programs and activities to strengthen themselves and to act independently from that of men. The areas that were reviewed are subsistence production, health and employment.

To be economically decisive, the prevalent production for subsistence was reviewed. What was achieved till then, was identified by women as ‘big quantum grains’ like millets and cereals which provided an economic say for men over that of women. To counter that, ‘Small quantum food items’ such as pulses and oil seeds were preferred not as exclusive crops but as mixed crops. Advantages to women in cultivation of pulses and oil seeds are firstly, they exclusively equip women to provide wholesome nutritious food to the family. Secondly, it reduces the dependency on men to extend food for the family. Lastly, the pulses and oil seeds are totally marketed by women and the income from them traditionally belongs to women.

The programs in the health sector was reviewed. There were no programs till then to address any health problems pertaining to women. Women expressed inability to share their health problems with men and in accessing health facilities located about 20kms away. Plans were made on the basis of health problems and their priorities. It was decided to look for avenues that can be viable financially, time and accessibility. The ability of local health practices was examined and found practical after it was tested on ‘white discharge’, most commonly identified disease among women. However, the availability of plant material was the limiting factor. This triggered off the idea to protect plant materials helpful to treat diseases exclusive of women and children. Each ones knowledge or home remedies were shared with the other. Cases of positive impact was recorded for propagation. Many species available within the forest was brought in and were protected in the backyards.

Subsistence production to conserve soil and water

The plan to cultivate more of pulses and oilseeds was integrated with watershed. Eroded soils and depleted nutrients in the soils were identified as the hindrances to cultivate pulses. To overcome those hindrances. Sangam integrated the need for water in summer months with that of repleting nutrients in the soil. To rebuild soil nutrients, women preferred to transport silt from the tank. That resulted in desiltation and restoration of tanks to their original holding capacity. No irrigation was allowed to save water in the tank, even during summer months. This had an effect in recharging the groundwater. Desiltation and transportation of silt created employment opportunities. Thus the identified need of women to cultivate pulses and oil seeds was helpful in restoring the soil fertility and in restoring the waterbodies in the watershed.

Criterias for selection of pulses and oilseeds was developed. Pulses and oil seeds should be, firstly,      amenable for preparation of food every day, secondly, they have to be nitrogen fixing and shed good quantum of biomass. Lastly, they should be conserving soil moisture. Five pulses and two oil seeds were selected based on the criteria and were propagated as mixed crop within ragi crop. Within two years, almost all crops were sown as mixed crops. Consequently, women received additional income by marketing the surplus. This cultivation was helpful in conserving the biodiversity within the cultivated fields. In a corner of each field or in the backyards, popularly identified as ‘chillies garden’, women cultivated 25 to 30 varieties of vegetables, greens,      gourds and flowers. These gardens helped not only in conservation of beneficial plants but also in sustaining the families by meeting the day to day requirements throughout the year.

By 1994, female infanticide had been totally given up. All the tanks in the project area had been desilted and all the lands had been treated with silt. The production level of ragi was sustained at 5 to 6 quintals per acre.

Various varieties of pigeon pea, mustard, field beans, green gram, cowpea, castor and sesamum were conserved within the watershed.

An another institutional change occurred in 1995. The need for larger investments in the agricultural sector led to formation of Farmer Service Cooperative (FSC) at cluster level. Instead of enrolling all the eligible families, it was only those who are interested and those who can purchase a share by paying Rs.100. It could be paid in installments of five.

FSC receives funds from the NGO and than distributes it to its members. No interest or service charges are levied to FSC, whereas, FSC is free to levy interest and service charges to its members. Most important decision taken was nothing is given free, the beneficiary has to deposit 50 per cent cost of any activity for any of the programs she prefers.

FSC is a credit organization at the cluster level hosted by the Sangam within that cluster. All activities of FSC had to have the approval of the Sangam. FSC can finance only on recommendations from Sangam. Management of FSC is by the shareholders selected by Sangam.

While going in for programs, FSC changed its planning level from that of Sangam as a whole, to individual family level . Based on the lessons from cultivation of pulses and oilseeds, it came to a conclusion that unless the economic interest of every family is addressed, it is difficult to expect participation in the conservation of resources.

Two kinds of activities was pursued. Firstly, the income generating activities and Secondly, service oriented activities. All those which were considered conventionally as service activities were modified by FSC as income generating activities. Few of them are listed as follows.

There was a change in the approach to soil conservation. The firm belief of the FSC was, unless bunds are made economically or socially important, the beneficiaries of soil and water conservation program don’t come forward to manage the bunds constructed or show willingness to construct additional bunds. This was from their own experience. Members of FSC, recall that as long as the material for roof was procured from bunds, there was an interest to manage big bunds and also to construct bunds. The need to replace the material of the roof compelled them either to go in for additional bunds or follow good management practices.

The experience in extending minimal health facilities through herbs enabled FSC to visualize firstly, to plan for conservation of medicinal plants within watershed and secondly, as a program to generate additional income. Experimentally, in 1996, medicinal plants having value as herbs and also meeting house hold needs were distributed for planting in the backyards. Overwhelming response even when plants are priced gave an assurance for involvement on large scale within the watershed. In 1997, medicinal plants were purchased by the women for planting on the existing bunds. Buy back was assured by the FSC.

FSC made available only 50 per cent of the credit required. The other 50 per cent had to be borne by the member. This policy was with an understanding that when personal finance to the tune of 50 per cent is involved, the interest shown in management of the resources will be higher. Wherever, huge investments has to be made in cases such as digging wells, purchase of bullocks, FSC agreed to finance at least 75 per cent through the Sangam. It will be a credit to Sangam and not to an individual. The eligibility of Sangam for such finances was based on a six point scale to measure the performance. This scale contained rate of growth of savings, circulation of savings for credit purposes, repayment of loans, attendance to the meetings and training’s, management of the resources within the neighborhood and community issues addressed.

In 1997, a change occurred within FSC. Based on its knowledge of materials (tamarind and pongamia seeds) sold by women, FSC entered into marketing relation with pharmaceutical companies. To prevent women selling tamarind and pongamia at throw away prices to the merchants visiting the villages, they were collected and marketed by FSC. The profits accrued by marketing in 1997, encouraged FSC to market gooseberry, nutmeg collected by the villagers from the nearby forest in 1998.

A plan for the future is to shift from marketing raw materials to that of processing to create additional employment opportunities and garner larger profits to the target group. Once the propagated medicinal plants reach a level of sustaining a processing plant, FSC plans to go for processing at decentralized level. Towards this extent, 60,000 aloe barbadensis is distributed for cultivation on the bunds. Once these plants mature, by end of 1998 there can be an processing plant.

To sustain its health program and cultivation of medicinal plants, FSC is building up its own knowledge base through contributions from local health healers. In return, the local health healers are also trained to acquire capability to treat large number of diseases. These healers are training women folk to treat various diseases. Consequently, the ability of the community to treat common ailments has increased. This has helped in maintaining the interest of women in the cultivation and propagation of medicinal plants.

In 1997, one hundred thousand medicinal plants were sold to the farmers. 30 per cent farmers have earned an income of Rs.300. FSC is hopeful, that at least, next year, almost all farmers will get an additional income from the bunds.

Formation of groups by women has resulted in identifying the actual domain for women. Which helped in addressing social issues and in reformulating the production system to resolve social issues. Only when the economic linkages to social issues are identified, it is possible to have greater participation of the community. In such a situation, institutional change is possible. When the priorities are identified, forward linkages to other programs are necessary in terms of short term and long term economic returns. In that case, the need for subsidies and incentives can be avoided.

It can be replicable in any situation. However, the forward linkages may lead into greater involvement of the NGO or the agency in areas other than in the mandate. In such cases, the need for technical expertise may be the hindrance.